By Raphael Lefevre
Whilst the convulsions of the Arab Spring first grew to become occur in Syria in March 2011, the Ba'athist regime used to be quickly in charge the protests at the "Syrian Muslim Brotherhood" and its "al-Qaeda affiliates." yet who're those Islamists so made up our minds to rule a post-Assad Syria?
Little has been released on militant Islam in Syria due to the fact that Hafez Assad's regime destroyed the Islamist circulate in its stronghold of Hama in February 1982. This booklet bridges that hole via delivering readers with the 1st complete account of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood's historical past to date.
In this ground-breaking account of Syria's so much favourite, but hugely secretive, Islamist service provider, the writer attracts on formerly untapped assets: the memoirs of former Syrian jihadists; British and American files; and in addition a chain of wide-ranging interviews with the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood's ancient leaders in addition to those that battled opposed to them--many talking at the list for the 1st time. Ashes of Hama uncovers the key points of the Islamist fight: from the Brotherhood's radicalisation and its "jihad" opposed to the Ba'athist regime and next exile, to a unbelievable comeback on the leading edge of the Syrian revolution in 2011--a notable turnaround for an Islamist flow which all analysts had mentioned lifeless amid the ruins of Hama in 1982.
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Additional resources for Ashes of Hama: The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria
But the Ba’ath Party’s improving electoral fortunes should also be viewed against the backdrop of the Syrian Ikhwan’s own announcement that they would not run for the 1954 electoral contest—a decision which surely greatly enhanced the Ba’ath Party’s appeal as both movements were then competing for similar constituencies—the educated and nationalist lower and middle classes. By 1954, the Muslim Brotherhood had decided to give up most of its political activities in a historical decision which would profoundly affect the movement’s organizational capacity to effectively stand for elections.
Its leadership thought that in this way it would neither have to condone Nasser—while betraying its Egyptian sister— nor to condemn him, with the associated risk of losing popularity in Syria. For Mustapha al-Sibai, often seen as a gifted politician, this did not however mean that members of the Syrian organization were prevented from running for election—as long as this was done on an individual basis not involving the broader movement. Thus, while the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood did not directly participate in the 1954 elections, Muhammed al-Mubarak and Ma’ruf al-Dawalibi, known Ikhwani sympathizers, still ran as independents and were elected to Parliament.
22 During World War II, “Islamic populists” stepped up their activism in the political sphere. This time they focused their energies on polarizing Syrians for or against a highly symbolic change their society had been undergoing: the emergence of women’s rights. Throughout the French mandate, women in Syria had received education and had become more visible in the public sphere. Some of them were very active figures in the philanthropic and political scene of the day—to the outrage of many religious sheikhs who saw this as the result of Western corruption of Islamic values.