By David W. Chapman
David W. Chapman examines moment Temple and early rabbinic literature and fabric is still so as to display the diversity of historic Jewish perceptions approximately crucifixion. Early Christian literature is then proven to mirror know-how of, and interplay with, those Jewish perceptions. historic Jewish ancient money owed of crucifixion are tested, magical literature is analyzed, and the proverbial use of crucifixion imagery is studied. He will pay precise consciousness to Jewish interpretations of key outdated testomony texts that point out human physically suspension in organization with execution. past reports have proven how pervasive in antiquity used to be the view of the pass as a poor and shameful loss of life. during this quantity, the writer offers extra facts of such perspectives in historic Jewish groups. extra optimistic perceptions may be hooked up to crucifixion insofar because the demise will be linked to the blameless patient or martyr in addition to with latent sacrificial photos. Christian literature, proclaiming a crucified Messiah, betrays knowledge of those a number of perceptions by means of looking to reject or rework damaging stereotypes, or by means of embracing a few of these extra optimistic institutions. hence early Christian literature at the go indicates, to a better measure than is often famous, a mirrored image upon a number of the Jewish perceptions of the move in antiquity
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6 3 Descriptions of typical consonantal shifts with these consonants (and their relationships to "proto-Semitic") can b e found in: Carl Brockelmann, Grundriss der vergleichenden Gram matik der semitischen Sprachen, 2 vols. , An Introduction to the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages: Phonology and Morphology, ed. s. 6 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1964), 3 1 - 3 7 . These standard w o r k s fail to support the consonantal shifts that Cohn proposes. Brockelmann notes the shift of Aramaic flibä to Persian ôalïpa (meaning " K r e u z " ) in Grundriss, 1:208 (also in his Lexicon Syriacum, 303).
Naturally, Josephus and Philo could have based their understanding o n a Greek version, but the point would still stand that "to hang s o m e o n e on a t r e e " (be t h e phrase in Greek or H e b r e w ) could b e rendered with cru cifixion terminology b y representatives o f Second T e m p l e Judaism. 9 1 9 2 So Targums Onkelos, Neofiti, and Pseudo-Jonathan on G e n 4 0 : 1 9 , 2 2 ; 4 1 : 1 3 ; and a Cairo Geniza targumic text on G e n 4 1 : 1 3 . Also note the Samaritan T a r g u m on these verses (except for m s A in 40:19).
Fourth, Baumgarten unduly limits his study of the way in which ancient Jewish translations and interpreters rendered the use of Π*7Π in the Hebrew Bible. Having confined to "hanging" (by the neck), Baumgarten goes on to say that it is the normal targumic way of rendering Π * 7 Π . Indirectly he thus implies that the versional evidence would suggest only a "hanging" interpretation of Π*7Π in OT texts by Jewish translators. However, the full evidence indicates that at times Jewish translators understood Π*7Γ) more broadly.